CL-002Culture and Values
I Lalahi and the Chamorro men's and women's community groups
A look at I Lalahi and the Chamorro men's and women's community groups that carry cultural knowledge and service work across island and mainland.
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I Lalahi is the Chamorro phrase for the men, and in the classic division of labour described in the culture pages of Guampedia it stands opposite I Famalao'an, the women. The two words are a matched pair in Chamorro speech, used for the men and women of a household, a village or a work crew rather than for men in the abstract. Understanding I Lalahi means seeing how Chamorro communities parcelled out work by age, class and gender, and how that old division still shapes the way men's and women's groups gather, meet and serve today.
The details cited in this entry were checked on division of labour entries.
The old categories are more specific than a simple split between men's work and women's work. Guampedia groups the division of labour under headings such as Pumeska, the hunters on land and sea, Mangkalamya, the skilled artisans, Agad'na, the canoe builders, Suruhånu yan Amot, healers and medicine, Mampolitiku, politics, and Warfare. Some of those roles belonged mainly to men, some to women, and some crossed the line depending on age and rank.
What does I Lalahi actually mean?
Chamorro marks gender with the article: I Lalahi for the men, I Famalao'an for the women. The words are not insults or honorifics, just the ordinary way of naming a group by sex, the same way an English speaker might say "the men" or "the women" of a village. That naming matters because the division of labour was never only about muscle. Age and class cut across it, so a young man and an old man, or a low-ranking and high-ranking person, did different work inside the same category.
If you grew up hearing the phrase at a fiesta or a family gathering, you already know the tone: practical, unromantic, used to sort who does what. The culture pages record the categories; what they do not publish is how any single village organised its own roster, and that detail lived in families rather than in a written rule.
Which work the men carried
Pumeska, the hunters on land and sea, is the clearest men's role on the list. It covers fishing and hunting, the food-getting work that took men away from the village and back with something for the pot. The sea side of that work runs deep in Chamorro life, and it is echoed in the canoe builders, Agad'na, the men who shaped the boats that made the fishing possible. A canoe was not a hobby; it was the tool of a provider.
Warfare is the other plainly male heading. Defence and fighting fell to men, and the culture pages list it as its own entry rather than folding it into hunting, which tells you the community treated it as a distinct skill with its own training and standing. Mampolitiku, politics, is listed separately for a reason: not every man who could fish or fight held authority, and rank decided who spoke for the group.
Mangkalamya, the skilled artisans, is a category worth slowing down for. Craft skill was not automatically male or female, and the artisan entry sits alongside the gendered ones rather than inside them, which suggests that what mattered was mastery of a trade, whether that trade was building, carving or weaving. The specific crafts are not enumerated in the entry list, so what a reader can take from it is the principle: skill earned a place of its own in the division of labour.
What about the women?
I Famalao'an is the counterpart phrase, and the division of labour names women's roles in the same breath as men's. Suruhånu yan Amot, healers and medicine, is the role most often associated with women, and it carried real weight: a healer held knowledge of plants, birth and illness that a community could not do without. The entry pairs the healer and the medicine together because the two were one practice, a person and a body of knowledge.
Household and food work, the daily labour that kept a family fed and a household running, was shared and largely women's, though the Guampedia entry list does not spell out every task. That gap is honest to name: the entries give the named roles, and much of the ordinary work stayed unnamed because it was simply expected. What you can say with confidence is that Chamorro culture sorted work by gender, age and class together, not by gender alone.
How the old categories reach the present
Those headings are not museum labels. They describe functions a community still needs: someone fishes, someone heals, someone builds, someone leads. When Chamorro families on Guam, in the Northern Marianas and across the United States organise themselves now, they are often solving the same problem the old categories solved, which is who does what and who is responsible for whom.
The roles also explain why gender-shaped groups feel natural in Chamorro community life. A men's group and a women's group are not a modern import; they are an old form, a way of gathering the people who share a kind of work or a kind of duty. The culture pages give you the shape of that division. For the full set of entries, the division of labour entries on Guampedia set out each heading in turn.
How the groups meet and serve
In practice, Chamorro men's and women's groups meet the way most community bodies meet: a regular time, a place borrowed from a parish hall or a family compound, an agenda of work rather than of talk. A women's group tied to a church may run the kitchen for a fiesta or organise a rosary for a bereaved family. A men's group may take the heavy jobs, the building, the hauling, the preparing of a site before an event.
Service is the part that holds the arrangement together. Chenchule', the giving that marks family events, is the value underneath it: you give at a funeral, a wedding, a christening, and the giving is expected, timed and reciprocal. Men and women often give in different forms, one side with labour and one with food or money, but the obligation sits on both. If you want to see the principle in plain terms, the magazine's own piece on Chenchule' in practice walks through how that giving shows up at family events.
Newer groups follow the same instinct with a different task. Health outreach teams, youth programmes and seniors' support groups all organise around a service to a defined community, and many of them draw on the older habit of gathering by shared role. The health outreach and screening work in Chamorro communities is a good example of a modern function that runs on the old machinery of a trusted group, a known place and a person who calls the others in.
Are these groups only for one island?
No. The division of labour belongs to Chamorro culture as a whole, and the groups built on it travel. On Guam and in the Northern Marianas they sit inside villages and parishes. On the mainland they sit inside diaspora communities, where a men's or women's group may be the thing that keeps a language, a recipe or a song alive in a city far from the water.
That is why the annual round matters so much to these groups. A festival, a cultural night or a Liberation observance gives a men's or women's group a date to organise toward, a reason to meet, and a visible result. The magazine's mainland festivals and cultural nights page tracks that side of the calendar, and the annual round of Chamorro and Pacific Islander events puts the whole year in one place.
What a reader can do next
If you want to see how a group like this actually runs, start by asking the one you already belong to what it does between events. Most men's and women's groups are invisible until a funeral or a fiesta, and the work they do in the quiet weeks is the real service. Then read the Guampedia entry list for the culture side, and look at the magazine's Chamorro and Pacific Islander organisations page for the mainland side, where the addresses and the meeting habits of real groups are set out.
A word of caution about the record: the culture pages name the roles and the categories cleanly, but they do not give you a village-by-village account of who did what, and no single page does. That history sits in families, in church records and in the memories of elders, which is exactly where the next person who wants to document it should look.
About the entry on Guampedia
The page at guampedia.com/i-man-chamorro/chamorro-culture-division-of-labor-entries/ is the Guampedia index for CHamoru/Chamorro culture division of labour entries. It gathers the headings that describe how work was sorted in Chamorro society, including Agad'na, the canoe builders, division of labour by age, class and gender, Mampolitiku, politics, Mangkalamya, the skilled artisans, Pumeska, hunters on land and sea, Suruhånu yan Amot, healers and medicine, and Warfare, and it links back to the wider I Man Chamorro section. Read it for the categories themselves and for the wording Chamorro sources use.


